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NOBEL
Laureate Amartya Sen has said at the International Tagore
Conference in Kolkata that “a deep political analysis” was
required to understand the reason behind violence.
This is a pertinent question posed to a country which won
independence through non- violence. Besides, it also claims
that it has rejected violence as an instrument in the
formulation of its policy, internal or external.
Yet there is hardly any city not marred by violence. Women
and children live with a sense of insecurity. And most of
the countryside and tribal areas are pushed by the security
forces on one side and the Maoists and religious leaders on
the other.
There are various reasons that have brought India to this
stage. Most discernible is the loss of people`s faith in the
functioning of institutions, whether parliament, executive
or even the judiciary. The common man doubts the bona fides
of the government and its instruments. Nor does he trust the
legal system. Over the years he has come to believe
that pressure works. This manifests itself in the shape of
peaceful agitation or in the form of violent defiance. |
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Since
disconnects between the rulers and the people are lessening
rapidly, outbursts take the government by surprise. These
are pent-up feelings, finding abrupt outlets. They can be
anticipated and probably stalled if only the government were
responsive and humane. But the system has come to be so
manipulated through corruption or other considerations that
the common man cannot get even routine things through, like
paying bills without greasing palms. sifarish
If people responsible for this were made accountable for
their misdeeds, the punishment would serve as an example for
others and gratify the sufferers. In the long process of
pinning responsibility, if ever that stage is reached, there
are many loopholes, not only legal and procedural but also
related to .
Society has inferred that everything can be managed through
money, if possible, or political interference, if necessary.
And when top persons involved in a scam or scandal get away
with it, the general impression that the powerful are never
touched deepens further.
This increases insensitivity. Already inured to religious,
class and caste prejudices, people have lost hope in the
rule of law. They are so used to the violation of human and
other rights that they do not complain, even when they are
themselves victims. They are afraid to be categorised as
Maoist or anti-national.
The life imprisonment term given to Binayak Sen, a doctor
working in Madhya Pradesh among tribals, who reportedly
supported the Maoists and questioned repressive measures,
has shocked society. A few NGOs have pointed out that the
whole case was fabricated to instil fear.
There is also the example of Nirmala in Tripura in the
northeast. She has been on a fast for the last 10 years to
have the Armed Forces Special Powers Act removed. Protests
by activists do not worry the government; their example is
cited to show how free the system is.
Then there are numerous laws to “maintain law and order”. On
top of lessening democratic space comes the escalating cost
of food prices. With basic commodities getting dearer every
day, how does the lower half live?
No one person, party or bureaucrat is responsible for the
situation in which we have landed ourselves. All have
contributed to the mess. The entire nation has to ponder
over the scenario while there is still time to take remedial
steps. We have to get out of the rut that a government lapse
is an opportunity for the opposition.
In fact, we have been going downhill from the day we won
independence. Hundreds and thousands of people who suffered
and made sacrifices during the national struggle were left
with no focus, no ideal to pursue. The target was
independence. Once that was achieved, there was no road map.
Freedom fighters were not soldiers who would disperse after
the war had been won.
Many of them did not even have a place to go to. Words that
only political independence had been achieved and that
economic independence was yet to be won were commendable,
but they were mere words. They did not satisfy those who
wanted jobs or assistance to build an industry or a business
on their own. Some even sought to cash in on their
sacrifice.
Leaders, no doubt in the forefront of the struggle, were
expected to occupy chairs on the high table and most of them
did. But what about others who had given everything they
had? They were left to fend for themselves.
True, the experience of partition was traumatic. Seeking new
places in harsh surroundings was bound to be upsetting. But
that was long ago. Deducting even a decade of the
troublesome period, the rulers had a clear 50 years to give
people the minimum standard of living and security. Food,
clothing and shelter were a pipedream, meant to bamboozle
the people for election purposes. If nothing else, at least
starvation should have been averted.
When Amartya Sen was asked if the violent situation could
derail the state`s economic growth, he said: “Violence
produces a terrible state of agony, insecurity, loss of life
and loss of sense of peace.” That is obvious. What has
happened to society is that it has erased the thin line
dividing right from wrong and moral from immoral. There is
no desire, much less effort, to act according to what is
right. Nor is there any realisation of what is wrong.
Parliament is the best place where the deficiencies of the
system can be discussed and steps taken to check the rot.
But that forum has become a playground for the ego of
politicians and their dirty tricks. To stall parliament for
some days is a show of protest, but stalling it indefinitely
is a slur on democracy.
If political parties behave as they did in 2010, they are in
for big trouble. Indeed, the new year looks stormy.
The writer is a senior journalist based in New Delhi
Courtesy Dawn
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